New Mexico State Senator Dede Feldman's Blog

Gary Johnson as President-- You've Got to be Kidding

Editor's note:  This article is set to appear in the Las Cruces Sun News and the Las Vegas Optic.  I wrote it because there are many who don't remember what Gary Johnson's term as governor was really like.I remember it vividly.  I was there.

                       Former Governor Has Terrible Track Record when it comes to Playing with Others

 There’s been much interest in former New Mexico Governor Gary Johnson, the libertarian candidate for President, these days especially from those disenchanted by both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton. Recently the focus has been on his “Aleppo” moments—the lack of knowledge of the most war-torn city in Syria and his inability to name even one foreign leader he admired. Regardless, Johnson has hung on to disenchanted voters and millennials who find his unconventional approach refreshing.

For those who know him only for his ardent defense of marijuana legalization or his non-interventionist stance, a glimpse into his history as Governor of New Mexico should be revealing.

I served as a Democratic New Mexico State Senator for six of his eight years as Governor, from 1997-2002. It was a rocky ride, to say the least.

The Republican Governor was in perpetual conflict with the Democratic legislature. He took great pride in his record number of vetoes (742). But the vetoes were only the legal ways he sought to exercise power over the legislative branch. In 1995 he signed casino gambling pacts with many of the state’s tribes—without legislative approval. His controversial action was struck down later that year by the New Mexico Supreme Court, which ruled that he had exceeded his authority. The compacts were later authorized by the legislature in 1997, my first year in Santa Fe.

That was the year when states were charged with enacting their own welfare reform packages to comport with then President Bill Clinton’s new welfare-to-work program. Again, Johnson didn’t wait for legislative authorization. He enacted his own Progress New Mexico program, one of the most restrictive in the nation. When the legislature crafted its own program, sponsored by Rep. J. Paul Taylor, it was immediately vetoed by Johnson, who continued to implement his program. J Paul Taylor, several other legislators and welfare recipients took the Governor to court—and won. In September, the NM Supreme Court struck down Progress NM and ordered Johnson to work with the legislature. He didn’t. He continued to implement Progress NM and in December was held in contempt of court. At that time, Johnson was the only Governor to achieve that distinction.

Johnson was a limited government kind of guy—in the extreme. His major thrust was privatization of government services from prisons to education. He was never successful in enacting a voucher program for public schools, despite repeated attempts. Another lawsuit from a bipartisan group of legislators, tried to halt Johnson’s private prison drive, but in the end, he succeeded (with the help of his arch- rival Sen. Manny Aragon) in getting private prisons in Hobbs, Santa Rosa and Grants. The state is still digging out from problems with the prisons (lawsuits and riots) and one of the prisons recently closed.  

Not everything about Gov. Gary Johnson was bad, of course. I was a fan of his solitary battle against the war on drugs—but then, it’s important to remember that his outspoken and courageous stands came only after he had safely secured re-election in 1998. We didn’t hear much about drugs before then, perhaps for obvious reasons.

I understand why some people might not want to remember Gov. Gary Jonson’s era as Governor. To the nation’s newest voters his term is ancient history. But those who lived through it know it was a time of chaos, gridlock, abuse of power and name-calling, even worse than today. Through it all Johnson remained obsessed with marathons, hang-gliding, skiing and his own workout regime, giving it a theater-of-the-absurd quality that rivals even today’s antics.

So if you’re contemplating a protest vote in this year’s election, get serious about the prospect of contempt and chaos. And this time, I’m not talking about the Republican nominee.

Dede Feldman is a former Democratic State Senator from Albuquerque’s North Valley. She is the author of Inside the New Mexico Senate: Boots, Suits and Citizens.

It Can't Happen Here-- Or Is Trump Bringing it All Back Home?

Note:  Here's a book review I wrote that appeared recently in the ABQ Free Press. 

Sinclair Lewis’s classic American satire, It Can’t Happen Here, was first published in 1935 in an era of economic depression and growing fascism at home and abroad. The dystopia was an immediate bestseller, spurring an unabridged series in the New York Post and countless theater productions.

Yet today’s citizens know little about it. They should pay more attention.

            Consider the main character Buzz Windrip, a presidential candidate who is a professional common man. His folksy, down-to-earth speeches use simple words to extol the greatest nation on earth, bash the big banks, the political elites and the press. He suggests that Negroes and Jews be barred from civic activity (even though he allows that many, many Jews are part of his movement) and that women stay at home. For safety’s sake, foreigners present too great a risk to America’s way of life to permit their presence. Windrip’s 15-point plan enlarges the military, increases veteran’s benefits and expands the definition of treason to include among other things, advocating foreign alliances.

            Sound familiar? Just replace the word Mexican or Muslims for Jews and Negroes and it’s hard not to think of Donald Trump. In the novel, the rise of the Chief, as he is later called, is preceded by an era of radio demagoguery voiced by a Father Charles Coughlin figure that bears a striking similarity to Rush Limbaugh. Like the anti-Semitic Coughlin, Bishop Paul Peter Drang has a huge following. His “League of Forgotten Men” is 27 million strong and forms the base of Windrip’s growing support. It is composed of formerly middle class men dispossessed by the big banks.   It is strongly reminiscent of the Tea Party.

            In an era of economic insecurity and a fear of foreign forces, Buzz Windrip is elected legally. Opposition does not mobilize quickly and he carries out his promises, which most had not taken seriously. He declares martial law. The Supreme Court is abolished. Congress becomes an advisory body. The “MM”, formerly a private marching club tasked with beating up opponents who dared to appear at Windrip’s campaign rallies, becomes a national police force, staffing checkpoints and concentration camps to which dissenters are sentenced—when they are not summarily shot.   Ironically the wall Windrip said he’d build to keep foreigners out is ultimately used to keep Americans from escaping to Canada.

            It Can’t Happen Here is not regarded as one of Sinclair Lewis’s best books. He won the Nobel Prize for his others: Main Street, Arrowsmith and Babbitt, mainstays of high school English classes. But this is his strongest protest against middle class complacency and the tendency of most Americans to opt for security—tendencies that have lingered into our era, and now loom over the 2016 presidential race.

Where are the heroes, the protestors, and the resistance to Lewis’s creeping fascism? The protagonist of It Can’t Happen Here is a small town newspaper editor, a reluctant liberal, who values his individualism and intellect too much to take action in time. Finally, he joins the resistance just as the totalitarian regime declares war on (where else?) Mexico. At the end of the novel, his success is uncertain.

In 2016, my friends assure me that Donald Trump will never be elected. Too many constitutional protections, too much media scrutiny. But in the wake of terrorist attacks, the shrinking middle class, and the waning hopes of our youth, I can’t help but worry. Anything can happen when fear takes over. Especially, as Lewis demonstrates, when the groundwork for fascism has already been laid.

Primary Election Pics, NM Human Services Dept. Debacle

Bloggers Note: Here's my latest View from Just Outside the Roundhouse 

Primary Election Upon Us, Finally

     Yup, it’s that time again. May 10 is the first day of voting for the June 7^th Primary. Initially you can vote only at the County Clerk’s annex at 15^th and Lomas or by absentee ballot (call 243-8683 to request one). Early voting starts in earnest on May 21 at locations around town and will continue through June 4. Check the clerk’s website for early voting locations.

The last day to register is May 10. You can now do it on line at http://www.sos.state.nm.us/. If you don’t register as either a Democrat or a Republican you are ineligible to vote in the primary.

It could be different, you know, and many of us have been pushing to change this system, which discourages many, many, many (as the Donald would say) voters. Those who decline to state a party (DTS) now compose 22% of registered voters in NM. Many of them are young people; more are simply turned off by partisan politics. Yet their voices (all 220,000 of them) are silenced in primaries, which-- since most districts are not competitive-- are often decisive. And why set an artificial deadline for registration, about a month before the actual election? Lots of people don’t tune in until the field is defined and the day approaches. Should they be disenfranchised? Only if you want to restrict the electorate, in my opinion. NM should have same-day registration like many other states.

But never mind, we have to play by the rules we’ve got now.

                  Here are a few of the candidates I feel strongly about.

         Cynthia Hall is running for the PRC in the district that covers much of ABQ. She will be one of the best, most experienced commissioners ever. A former PRC lawyer, she knows the issues. A former grassroots organizer for open space, she has not lost touch. An alternative energy and environmental advocate…. need I go on? After diligently working to become a publicly financed candidate, she was disqualified by Brad Winter (the SOS who replaced Dianna Duran) for a $50 error—something that could have been remedied. (Simultaneously, Winter negotiated with Republican lawyers for state senate candidate Sandra Jeff (D), who had not paid $1,000 in back fines. He allowed her on the ballot and reduced her fine to $100.) Much to her credit, Cynthia is truckin’ right along. Contribute here http://cynthiaforprc.com/.

            Roman Montoya is running for Bernalillo County Clerk, and boy, are we lucky he is…He’s a current deputy for Maggie Toulouse Oliver, and cut from the same cloth.   I first met him at a conference when he described the office’s plan to facilitate and encourage—not discourage—voter turnout. He’s innovative and committed to an inclusive view of democracy! http://www.romanmontoya.com/

            Adrian Pedroza is a progressive running for County Commission District 2, mostly in the South Valley. More and more, as power descends to the local level—important decisions (like whether to go forward with Santolina) are being made on the County Commission. The son of immigrants, Adrian knows the community from his work with the non-profit Partnership for Community Action. He has an MBA, business experience, and has been recognized by the White House as part of a new generation of Hispanic leaders. Pure and simple…. Adrian gives me hope for the future.   Help him if you can.

http://www.adrianfornewmexico.com/

            Nancy Bearce, who is running for County Treasurer will clean up the embarrassing state of affairs in that office and use her experience in state government and insurance to put us on a better path. She testified before my committee in SF about state insurance matters and often, I thought she was the only adult in the room.   https://www.facebook.com/Nancy4CoTreasurer/

            Raul Torrez is running for District Attorney. I’m impressed by his credentials as a federal prosecutor and his vision for a new day in criminal justice. Check him out at http://www.raultorrez.com/

Sen. Mimi Stewart is a progressive beacon in the NM State Senate. She is fearless, courageous and savvy. We need to keep her there in Senate District 17 and not regress to the district’s former senator, erstwhile Republican Shannon Robinson. His zigzag path is risky in many ways.   Mimi is looking for volunteers. http://mimistewart.org/contact/

Liz Thompson, is the best bet for a Democratic victory in the fall in this swing District 24 in the mid-heights and she may be the key to taking back the NM House. Liz was on her way to becoming one of the House’s best health advocates before she was ousted by Conrad James (who is not running) in 2014. This district flips between Ds and Rs. Ds take it in general election years, usually. http://www.lizthomson.org/

Even thought Senate District 39 is up north, I can’t help but put a plug in for Liz Stefanics, who is running for the seat held for 18 years by Sen. Phil Griego, and now held by a Republican appointee. Liz held this seat before-- from 1993 -1996 and was one of the state’s earliest progressive office holders. Her term on the SF County Commission is now ending. Tell your friends in the rural areas around Santa Fe. http://lizstefanics4newmexicosenate39.com/

NM Human Services Department Off the Rails?

The state’s largest department, charged with helping its most vulnerable citizens with health insurance (Medicaid) and emergency food aid (SNAP, or food stamps) seems to have gone completely off the rails. The Center for Law and Poverty is calling for the court to put the Department into receivership as a result of the latest development— department supervisors directing caseworkers to inflate the assets of food stamp applicants so they couldn’t get emergency benefits. The department was already out of compliance with other court orders over delays in the federal food stamp program. Whoa. Maybe the Center is right. I say that with a heavy heart because there are good people in Human Services, trying to make a difference. I was an early admirer of Centennial Care for it’s emphasis on care coordination and primary care, but now I’ve lost faith.  

In spite of the current leadership, there’s been a messy buildup, as a result of the previous Secretary, including the de-construction of the state’s behavioral health system and its misguided audit to find fraud and replace the state’s providers with Arizona companies. We know how that worked out: the AG found no intentional fraud, many of the NM providers folded, and the Arizona companies left town. I’d be surprised if the state was not headed for more court action on this.

Now the Department is in the process of cutting Medicaid, as instructed by the legislature. It will be cutting $419 million from the program—and the state’s hard-pressed economy.     There’s been no consideration of the revenue enhancements many other states are using to pay for the expanded program we need to serve new recipients (the feds are paying for over 90% of it, but we can’t come up with $89 million for the rest). And no talk of better bargaining for outrageously priced prescription drugs. Instead the department is cutting provider rates to the tune of $26-30 million—a cut that will affect UNM hospital the hardest and make the state’s slim roster of doctors and other providers (especially in rural areas) wonder if it’s really worth it. And there’s more to come—benefit and eligibility reductions are next up.

Have a great Spring and try to enjoy the Presidential race. It’s scary but historic.

Ground Control to Major Tom: We May Have a Systems Failure

Blogger's Note: This is from the latest edition of my e-newsletter, From Just Outside the Roundhouse

I couldn’t help but think of our departed David Bowie this winter as I watched the legislature from just outside the roundhouse. It’s been four years since I’ve been out of that fray, and it looks, like Major Tom, untethered, disconnected and headed for parts unknown—in spite of the false display of accomplishment and good feelings on the final day. I feel the same way about the national political scene, where each party seems to be in denial that its grassroots are demanding an overhaul.

Is it just me or do you find these items disconcerting?

Item #1 The lack of meaningful action on the elephant in the room, i.e. an economy that continues to tank, making us first in unemployment, last in job creation. It’s fueling an exodus to neighboring states and leaving boarded-up buildings and For Rent signs in once thriving commercial centers like Nob Hill. The tired tools—smokestack chasing, tax breaks-- are not working. It’s obvious, but we’re stuck in political gridlock. Both the Governor and the divided legislature are to blame. Alan Weber had it right. The solutions are at hand: cellular phone service and high speed internet for the whole state; more flights at the Alb. Airport; diversification away from oil and gas to renewable energy; legalization and taxation of marijuana; investments in infrastructure and education; the use of unspent state funds identified by Auditor Tim Keller in his recent report.

Instead, the legis killed a measure that would have extended a tax credit for rooftop solar, dismissing an industry that is one of the few bright spots in the economy. And it made sure the voters would not have the opportunity to weigh in on legalizing (and taxing) marijuana, a proposition that brought $70 million into Colorado’s tax coffers last year.

Item # 2 In the wake of a major scandal involving the state’s chief ethics officer, the Secretary of State, the legislature, once again stuck its head in the sand and said the details weren’t quite right yet on the Ethics Commission, or on making lobbyist expenditures or independent PAC donors public. Really? Don’t we have a right to know? Shouldn’t lobbyists and elected officials be held accountable? Members of the Senate Rules Committee have had ten years to deliberate on this one, as bill after bill has come before them (I know, I was there), and their excuses are wearing thin. Many of the veterans are all for transparency—except when it applies to them. Then, as Sen. Jerry Ortiz y Pino said, a certain “paranoia” takes over that the elected officials will be victimized by the media or political opponents—and that-- with very few exceptions-- trumps the public’s right to know.

Almost all of the ethics initiatives were victims of a short session—and political moves designed to kill them. The Governor didn’t give messages or gave them too late, and House members got to vote for measures they knew would never make it through the Senate. Such is life in a divided body. The legislature, may be able to save itself at the 11th hour from Real ID, but can’t enact systemic reform to address deep-seated problems like declining public trust or economic stagnation.

Item #3 The unexpected rise of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders. The way we have constructed the primary system has magnified the extreme wings of each party…. but, whoa, is there some realignment going on here? Some of the polls say that there’s crossover between Sanders and Trump supporters. They’re so disaffected that they’re for anyone who’s against the “establishment.” Think of what would happen if they somehow united. There are lots of institutional barriers of course, but… just saying. Our two-party system has created stability, but change is very difficult, especially without the reforms that would open it up. It’s gratifying to hear Bernie rail vs. Citizens United and dark money, just as it is to hear Trump tell a few truths about the power of moneyed donors on the Republican side. Without reform in this area, there’s going to be even more frustration from the shrinking middle class and… who knows, maybe even a push for deeper changes like independent redistricting (killed by the leg), ability for independents to vote in primaries (also killed) and even…. perish the thought, term limits or statewide voter initiatives.

Hammer's LBGT Clippings Collection Now a Valuable Resource for NM

Blogger's Note:  From an article I wrote for the Oct. 26 2015 ABQ Free Press...

Starting back in the early ‘80s Albuquerque real estate agent Bennett Hammer began what was to become became a life long obsession: clipping, saving and storing magazine and newspaper articles, flyers, posters, memorabilia-- almost anything, with the words “gay” or “lesbian” in it.

“I was curious about the legal part of it,” says Hammer, a former ACLU Board member and the 2005 Civil Libertarian of the Year, “and I wanted to understand and be able to explain, back then, why excluding gay people from the military was wrong, for example.”

“I didn’t censor the anti-gay stuff,” he says. “There are lots of materials from the Christian Coalition and I saved articles about parenting, money, schools, medicine, because these involve gay people as well.”  He also collected letters to the editor written by gay people, even obituaries.

“I’m like flypaper,” he says.

 Hammer is standing in a storage unit filled with hundreds of boxes of the stuff, along with Barbara Korbal, who is doing the painstaking work of organizing about 250,000 articles from 220 publications into a community archive, which will be housed at UNM’s Center for Southwest Research, starting in October.  Korbal, a cultural studies historian, joined the project in earnest in 2009 to ensure future generations can learn about the LBGT movement during a crucial time. She had just organized the papers of gay rights activist Neil Isbin, who died of Aids in 1996.  Isbin, credited with mobilizing the NM LBGT movement during the 80s and 90s, also saved everything.   His papers—condensed into about 19 boxes—are at the Fra Angelica Chavez library at the NM History Museum in Santa Fe.

Hammer and Korbal have gone through the boxes many times. As he makes his way through the shed, Hammer points out some boxes donated by Jean and Jim Genasci, from the Parents and Families of Lesbians and Gays (PFLAG).  He holds a the program of a 1994 conference “Fight the Right” that he attended, even then sharing his articles, many of which he has since cleaned up and put in clear plastic sleeves.  Korbal holds an issue of the Nation Magazine from 1993 with the cover story “The Gay Moment.”  Somewhere, she says, there’s a copy of a 1997 or 1998 Time or Newsweek with Ellen DeGeneres on the cover, marking another seminal moment. And there’s another, a 1956 cover from Look or Life (she couldn’t remember which) with Rock Hudson on the cover.

The 364-box collection includes five boxes of magazine covers alone. There are gay publications from the early days, documenting the organizational growth of the LGBT movement.   And there are 40 years of clippings from the New Mexican, the Albuquerque Tribune and Albuquerque Journal, the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, Time and Newsweek.

Hammer used to have more storage units but the material now has been culled, categorized and put into chronological order, reducing its bulk and increasing its usability. A number of interns have helped in the process, Korbal says, and some of the younger ones are amazed.

“One of them told me he couldn’t believe the progress gay people made in ten years.”  

Hammer says that 1979- 2010 witnessed the premier change in cultural attitudes toward gay people. Legally, he says the struggle for equality is part of an ongoing civil rights movement.  “Gay people have just been at the end of the line.”

There are other gay archives in Minneapolis, Amsterdam, North Carolina, New York and elsewhere, each with its own emphases. Hammer’s passion for collecting local materials has now grown into an ongoing project officially called The Bennett A. Hammer LLGBT Archives Project (www.hammerarchives.com), which shares information and accepts donations. Once fully catalogued and digitized, the collection will be available to the public at UNM Library. It will be a treasure trove for all kinds of people—medical researchers, playwrights, and historians.

“The ability to write and analyze the struggle for civil rights is only as good as its documents, says Barbara Korbal, who now directs the project. 

Hammer is pleased that what began as a personal obsession has become so organized and he credits Korbal and the professionalism she brought to the project. But he knew the potential early on when he would get calls from little towns in New Mexico about hate crimes, and he would send them materials.  Years later, the materials and the people would resurface.

“Cultural change comes when people talk to one another not at one another,” he says.  The materials are an invitation to do that. 

“I don’t’ think I am exaggerating when I say that making this kind of information accessible saves lives.   I know it has—by reducing isolation, changing attitudes, sometimes preventing people from killing and shaming each other.

--- From the Archive:  Watershed Moments for the NM LBGT Community

1975 law sponsored by Sen. Tom Rutherford repeals earlier sodomy law

1985 Executive Order issued by Governor Toney Anaya prohibits discrimination in state employment on the basis of sexual orientation

1985 NM Aids Services Founded

1987 APS adopts anti-discrimination policy

1993 SB 91, the first statewide anti discrimination bill introduced to become rallying cry for a decade

1997 Mayor Jim Baca issues non-discrimination order for Albuquerque city government

2000 Mayor Jim Baca issues executive order for city to insure domestic partners

2003 Hate Crimes Law enhances penalties for crimes committed vs. GLBT community

2003 Human Rights Act becomes law protecting against discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity "in matters of employment, housing, credit, public accommodations and union membership."

December 19, 2013, the New Mexico Supreme Court ruled that the state must provide same-sex couples with the same marriage rights as different-sex couples, making New Mexico the 17th U.S. state to recognize same-sex marriage

 

 

 

The APS Telenovela Continues... Aug. 28, 2015

Attention APS Students, Parents, Teachers and Taxpayers:

 In our latest episode of "As the District Turns," on which I was asked to weigh in for KNME’s In Focus, Ex-Deputy Superintendent Jason Martinez, was telling a Denver Judge that he was really telecommuting to Albuquerque from his Denver home, and thus not violating the conditions of his bail agreement.  Unbeknownst to APS staffers and board members, Martinez was awaiting trial on a number of felony counts—one for alleged sexual abuse of children and the another for a domestic violence assault on a boyfriend.  He was not supposed to leave the state.

APS staffers, including Superintendant Luis Valentino, the man who hired him without checking his references or heeding repeated warnings that he had not undergone a required background check, saw him often, however, and said so.  The judge has now held Martinez and upped his bail to $200,000.

 It’s only by luck—or incompetence—that the public found out about any of this when the new superintendant Valentino (on the job for 2 ½ months) sent a text to Education Secretary Hanna Skandera boasting that he was going to fire the district’s Chief Financial Officer(CFO), who was acting without authority in trying to put the kibosh on a contract for IT services that Jason Martinez was trying to give to an old friend, Bud Bullard.  Bullard had earlier been dismissed from the Denver School District for taking kickbacks.  Foolishly, the CFO, Don Moya, was worried about the waste of taxpayer dollars.  One problem: the Superintendant mistakenly sent the text with his boast to the CFO himself instead of Skandera.

Moya then apparently sent the text back to Valentino and it somehow became public.  The cat was then out of the bag.  Shortly thereafter, Moya was put on administrative leave.  To date, no reason has been given for that.

 Meanwhile The NM Political Report’s Joey Peters uncovered the questionable background of Jason Martinez—without much more than a Google search, I’m told. The public outcry began. And rumors started spreading.

How could the new Super have hired a pedophile without a background check or even a simple reference check? Aren’t even parent volunteers required to get a background check? Is this Superintendant competent to run one of the country’s largest school districts?

Why was the Super communicating with the controversial PED Secretary about his intention to fire staff?  Was he protecting Jason Martinez? Does he routinely ask permission from the Secretary on major moves? Did the two have a prior relationship before Valentino came to APS? Is he a shill for the administration?

Some of these questions were fueled by a whistleblower lawsuit filed a few days thereafter by Don Moya.  It was filed not just against the APS Superintendant and the Board but also vs. the Public Education Secretary and Governor.  Moya alleges he was put on leave because he blew the whistle on Jason Martinez whom he says got the dept. superintendant job, which had earlier been promised to him.   His lawyer comes from a Santa Fe firm who also employs a Democratic House member, prompting calls from the Governor that Moya’s complaint is purely partisan.

Honest, you can’t make this stuff up.

Luis Valentino is not resigning.  Instead he made an apology tour to Albuquerque media, pleading for understanding.  But Valentino is standing on shaky ground. With only a few months under his belt, he has no offsetting accomplishments to point to, no reservoir of good will he can draw upon. 

Yet incredibly, the APS Board delays action on whether his should be fired or retained.  At their last meeting on Thursday Aug. 27 they decided—to decide at the next meeting.  Sound familiar?  It’s exactly what they did at their last closed session on Sunday Aug. 23.

 Here’s my opinion: Valentino should do more than apologize.  He should resign.  I feel bad for him.  Maybe it was just a mistake.  But students and teachers suffer consequences for their mistakes. The top dogs should too. I don’t see how Valentino can inspire any credibility. Someone who hires a friend in spite of repeated red flags cannot rebuild public trust in the district. And if the Board enables his behavior it will do even more to dash public confidence than it has by its inaction.

Yes, it may cost money to get rid of Valentino.  But how much is public trust in our schools worth, anyway?